The Master CourseThe lesson of the day from Satguru SivayaSubramuniyaswami's trilogy:Dancing with Siva,Living with Siva and Merging with Siva |
Lesson 18Sloka 18 from Dancing with SivaWhat Is God Siva's Pure Consciousness?Parashakti is pure consciousness, the substratum orprimal substance flowing through all form. It is Siva's inscrutable presence, the ultimate ground and being of all that exists, without which nothing could endure. Aum. BhashyaParashakti, "Supreme Energy," is called by manynames: silence, love, being, power and all-knowingness. It is Satchidananda--existence- -that pristine force of being which is undifferentiated, totally aware of itself, without an object of its awareness. It radiates as divine light, energy and knowing. Out of Parasiva ever comes Parashakti, the first manifestation of mind, superconsciousness or infinite knowing. God Siva knows in infinite, all-abiding, loving superconsciousness. Siva knows from deep within all of His creations to their surface. His Being is within every animate and inanimate form. Should God Siva remove all of the three worlds, they would crumble, disintegrate and fade away. Siva's Shakti is the sustaining power and presence throughout the universe. This unbounded force has neither beginning nor end. Verily, it is the Divine Mind of Lord Siva. The Vedas say, "He is God, hidden in all beings, their inmost soul who is in all. He watches the works of creation, lives in all things, watches all things. He is pure consciousness , beyond the three conditions of nature." Aum Namah Sivaya. Lesson 18 from Living with SivaBrahmacharya In Family LifeThe observance of brahmacharya is perhaps themost essential aspect of a sound, spiritual culture. This is why in Saivism, boys and girls are taught the importance of remaining celibate until they are married. This creates healthy individuals, physically, emotionally and spiritually, generation after generation. There is a mystical reason. In virgin boys and girls, the psychic nadis, the astral nerve currents that extend out into and through their aura, have small hooks at the end. When a boy and girl marry, the hooks straighten out and the nadis are tied one to another, and they actually grow together. If the first sexual experience is premarital and virginity is broken, the hooks at the end of the nadis also straighten out, but there is nothing to grow onto if the partners do not marry. Then, when either partner marries someone else, the relationship is never as close as when a virgin boy and girl marry, because their nadis don't grow together in the same way. In cases such as this, they feel the need for intellectual stimuli and emotional stimuli to keep the marriage going. Youth ask, "How should we regard members of the opposite sex?" Do not look at members of the opposite sex with any idea of sex or lust in mind. Do not indulge in admiring those of the opposite sex, or seeing one as more beautiful than another. Boys must foster the inner attitude that all young women are their sisters and all older women are their mother. Girls must foster the inner attitude that all young men are their brothers and all older men are their father. Do not attend movies that depict the base instincts of humans, nor read books or magazines of this nature. Above all, avoid pornography on the Internet, on TV and in any other media. To be successful in brahmacharya, one naturally wants to avoid arousing the sex instincts. This is done by understanding and avoiding the eight successive phases: fantasy, glorification, flirtation, lustful glances, secret love talk, amorous longing, rendezvous and finally intercourse. Be very careful to mix only with good company- -those who think and speak in a cultured way--so that the mind and emotions are not led astray and vital energies needed for study used up. Get plenty of physical exercise. This is very important, because exercise sublimates your instinctive drives and directs excess energy and the flow of blood into all parts of the body. Brahmacharya means sexual continence, as was observed by Mahatma Gandhi in his later years and by other great souls throughout life. There is another form of sexual purity, though not truly brahmacharya, followed by faithful family people who have a normal sex life while raising a family. They are working toward the stage when they will take their brahmacharya vrata after sixty years of age. Thereafter they would live together as brother and sister, sleeping in separate bedrooms. During their married life, they control the forces of lust and regulate instinctive energies and thus prepare to take that vrata. But if they are unfaithful, flirtatious and loose in their thinking through life, they will not be inclined to take the vrata in later life. Faithfulness in marriage means fidelity and much more . It includes mental faithfulness, non-flirtatiousness and modesty toward the opposite sex. A married man, for instance, should not hire a secretary who is more magnetic or more beautiful than his wife. Metaphysically, in the perfect family relationship, man and wife are, in a sense, creating a one nervous system for their joint spiritual progress, and all of their nadis are growing together over the years. If they break that faithfulness, they break the psychic, soul connections that are developing for their personal inner achievements. If one or the other of the partners does have an affair, this creates a psychic tug and pull on the nerve system of both spouses that will continue until the affair ends and long afterwards. Therefore, the principle of the containment of the sexual force and mental and emotional impulses is the spirit of brahmacharya, both for the single and married person. Sutra 18 of the Nandinatha SutrasSeeking Inner Light And StillnessThose who live with Siva attend close to His mystery.While others seek "name and fame, sex and money, " they seek the clear white light within, find refuge in the stillness and hold Truth in the palm of their hand. Aum. Lesson 18 from Merging with SivaMaking Wise DecisionsLife is a series of decisions also. One decision builds into another. To make a good decision, we have to again bring our total awareness to the eternity of the moment. If we project ourselves into the future to try to make a decision, we do not make a decision with wisdom. If we project ourselves into the past and in that way formulate our decisions, again they are not wise decisions, for they are decisions made through the powers of the intellectual or the instinctive area of the mind. The only good decisions come to us when we hold the consciousness of the eternity of the moment and go within ourself for the answer. The best thing in making a decision is: when in doubt , do nothing. Have the subject matter so clearly in mind , so well thought out, that soon the answer will be self -evident to you. There will be just no other way to go. Good, positive decisions bring good, positive action and, of course, positive reactions. Decisions that are not well worked out--we jump into experiential patterns haphazardly or emotionally--bring reactions of an emotional nature that again have to be lived through until we cease to be aware of them and experience them emotionally. Each time we have a decision to make, it's a marvelous test in this classroom of experience. We can make a good decision if we approach it in the eternity of the moment. And, of course, there are no bad decisions. If we make a decision that's different than what we would make in the eternity of the moment --we make it through the instinctive area of the mind or the intellectual area of the mind--we're not sure, totally, of ourself. We do not have enough information to make a good, positive decision. So, when in doubt in making a decision that's the time to know we have to collect up more information, think about it more. Each decision is the foundation for the next series of experiences. When you are in a sequential series of experiential patterns, you are not making decisions at that time. Only when your experiential pattern has come to an end, and you're ready for a new set of experiences in certain areas of your life, those are the times when you make new decisions. Weigh carefully each decision, because that is the rudder that guides your ship through the whole pattern of life. Think it over carefully. Go in for intuitive guidance. And nobody knows better than yourself, your own superconscious being, what is to be the next set of experiential patterns for you to go through in your quest for enlightenment. It's all based on decisions. Don't expect someone to make decisions for you. They are second-hand, not the best. Others maybe can give a little bit of advice or supply a d perspective or added information for you to make a better decision But the decision you make yourself in any matter is the most positive, most powerful one, and should be the right one. Do it from the eternity of the moment t. That is the state of awareness to hold. • Email to a friend • |
Click for details on Satguru Bodhinatha Veylanswami's next mission, so you can meet him. These daily Master Course lessons are drawn from Gurudeva's 3,000 page trilogy on Hindu philosophy, culture and metaphysics, available in the full-color volumes of Dancing, Living andMerging with Siva at our Minimela online store.
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SUPERPOWER: The Truth Can Be Hidden |
URL of this article: www.globalresearch.ca/index. | |
Global Research, April 28, 2011 | |
"The only thing new in the world is the history you don't know." -Harry S. Truman a documentary film by Barbara-Anne Steegmuller SUPERPOWER is a comprehensive film that asks tough questions and goes behind the scenes of America’s national security apparatus and military actions. Far from a conspiracy film about the dangers of government secrets and regime change, this well-balanced film straddles the philosophical divide and allows viewers to understand the US quest for global dominance through economic and military strategy that is exposed through review of historical events, personal interviews, and analysis of US foreign policy. Featuring interviews with Michel Chossudovsky, Bill Blum, Chalmers Johnson and Noam Chomsky and many others. Have you picked up your copy of this award -winning documentary? SUPERPOWER IS AVAILABLE TO ORDER Superpower won Best Feature Documentary in Moving Pictures Film Contest. Ms. Steegmuller won The Director Award for Superpower at the August Sun Film & TV Film Festival where Superpower was also nominated for Best Feature Documentary and The Grand Peace Award. Superpower also received Honorable Mention in the Route 66 Film Festival, Best Feature Documentary from Moving Pictures Film & TV Contest, and was nominated for the Best North American Feature Documentary in the El Sawy, Egypt Film Festival. TO ORDER SUPERPOWER: Click here to go to our | |
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Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Centre for Research on Globalization. The contents of this article are of sole responsibility of the author(s). The Centre for Research on Globalization will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article. To become a Member of Global Research The CRG grants permission to cross-post original Global Research articles on community internet sites as long as the text & title are not modified. The source and the author's copyright must be displayed. For publication of Global esearch articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites, contact: crgeditor@yahoo.com www.globalresearch.ca contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available to our readers under the provisions of "fair use" in an effort to advance a better understanding of political, economic and ocial issues. The material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving it for research and educational purposes. If you wish to use copyrighted material for purposes other than "fair use" you must request permission from the copyright owner. For media inquiries: crgeditor@yahoo.com © Copyright , Global Research, 2011 The url address of this article is: www.globalresearch.ca | |
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April 29, 2011 The Central Intelligence Agency was, is, and will always be a nefarious rogue organization that gives the integrity of the U.S. not one, but two black eyes. The New York Times presented an article by Tim Weiner, November 23, 1996, saying: “The CIA, over the objections of the DEA, approved the shipment of at least one ton of nearly pure cocaine to Miami International Airport as a way of gathering information about the Colombian drug cartels. But the cocaine ended up on the street...” In 1996..... http://www.newswithviews.com/ by Al Duncan Click on the Banner to learn more Why release the Birth certificate nearly 3 years later? I and others have been asking for President Obama to put this growing controversy to rest for ages. It really wasn’t ‘silliness’ as he stated in his press conference on Wednesday the 27th, 2011. It was only what the demanding media and liberals requested and got from John McCain, also running during the last election cycle. Obama was AWOL with his. In fact, instead he spent nearly 2 million dollars to....... http://www.newswithviews.com/ by Laurie Roth Click on the banner and check out Cuddy's new book As the media blitz to silence questions about Obama’s eligibility for office become shrill, Obama finally releases his so-called “long form” birth certificate (aka, a birth certificate), confirming once and for all that he is not a natural born citizen of the United States in compliance with Article II of the U.S. Constitution. Let the impeachment begin! The document posted on the White House web site, reported to be Obama’s actual birth certificate, appears to be..... http://www.newswithviews.com/ williams147.htm by JB Williams |
Britain’s Royal Wedding Fiasco and its "Dirty little Secret " in Bahrain by Finian Cunningham | |
Global Research, April 26, 2011 | |
The British royal wedding is turning swiftly into a public relations disaster, with news that Bahrain’s Crown Prince is respectfully turning down his invitation to the event because of the “situation reigning” in the Persian Gulf kingdom. However, the real story behind the headlines is that the diplomatic shuffle reveals that the British establishment is well aware of the vicious repression being conducted by the Bahraini rulers along with the armed forces of neigbouring Gulf states, including Western allies Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa reportedly said that that he did not want his presence to “tarnish” the royal wedding due to take place at Westminster Abbey in London this Friday. The Bahraini prince was among 40 monarchs from around the world who have been invited by the British establishment to join some 2,000 other guests, including government leaders and celebrities, at the nuptials of Prince William and his long-time fiancé Kate Middleton. William is the son of Britain’s heir to the throne, Prince Charles. Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa The British royals were in recent days coming under fire in some of the UK press for inviting the Bahraini prince, who is also the deputy supreme commander of the Bahrain Defence Forces. Despite a lack of coverage in the British and Western mainstream media generally, nonetheless there has been a public outcry in Britain over the brutal crackdown on the pro-democracy movement. More than 30 civilians have been killed in state violence – which escalated on March 16 after Saudi-led forces from the other Gulf countries entered the diminutive island of some 700,000 indigenous population. Thousands others have been injured from army and police opening fire on peaceful protests. Up to 1,000 people have been unlawfully detained, or “ disappeared”, including doctors, nurses, lawyers, human rights workers and bloggers. Four people, including Bahraini journalist Karim Fakhrawi [1], have died while in custody, showing signs of torture. The Shia majority in Bahrain is particularly targeted by the Sunni rulers and their Gulf allies. Hundreds have been sacked from workplaces, accused of being supportive of the anti-government uprising that began on February 14. While the ongoing violations, including the military take-over of hospitals and unlawful detention of injured patients, have elicited condemnations from the UN Committee on Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Doctors Without Borders and the US-based Physicians for Human Rights, the British government, along with Washington and other Western governments, has been conspicuously muted. Bahrain’s former colonial ruler, Britain, and the US government are well aware of the repression. The US Fifth Fleet is based in the strategic Persian Gulf island, which serves as a listening and watching post for Western geopolitical power projection in the region, in particular against Iran. It beggars belief that Western governments are unaware of the repression. Indeed, it is most likely that these governments have given their approval to the Bahraini and Gulf rulers carrying out the crackdown on the pro-democracy movement and the Shia population generally. Only days before the Saudi-led forces moved into Bahrain, the Bahraini King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa received separate personal visits from US secretary of defence Robert Gates and Britain’s top national security advisor Sir Peter Ricketts, the latter reporting directly to British prime minister David Cameron. Britain and the US are major suppliers of military equipment to Bahrain – including teargas, helicopters and armoured personnel carriers that are being deployed to crush the pro-democracy protests. Britain has a particularly important role in the repressive policies of the Bahraini regime. When Britain granted nominal independence to the oil-rich shaikhdom in 1971, many of the British state security personnel remained in place. The head of Bahrain’s security between 1968 to 1998 was Colonel Ian Henderson, who is believed to still act as an advisor to the king. Henderson has in the past been the subject of several reports by international human rights groups for his involvement in overseeing torture and repression in Bahrain. [2] Since the latest crackdown began, the Bahraini rulers and their Gulf allies have sought to legitimize the state of emergency declared on March 14 as a necessary measure to crush a “subversive plot” in the country and the region fomented by Iran. US secretary of state Hillary Clinton has endeavoured to shore up such claims by denouncing “Irania n interference”. But as the British royal wedding fiasco indicates, Britain (and the US) are acutely aware of the disturbing humanitarian concerns in Bahrain. Officially, the Bahraini Crown Prince “uninvited” himself In a statement, he said: “I was hoping that the Kingdom of Bahrain would have a high-profile representation at this glamorous event, thus reflecting the friendship bonding our countries. However, the current situation reigning in Bahrain prevents me from attending.” The bets are that the British foreign office became alarmed at the growing media controversy in Britain over the planned attendance at the wedding by the Bahraini monarch and advised the latter to uninvite himself. If the British government really did believe the official justifications for the repression in Bahrain, it would not have made such a move. The Bahraini monarch’s wish not to tarnish the occasion seems to be an off-guarded, inadvertent admission that there are disturbing violations being perpetrated by the regime. And the British government knows full well that it is harbouring a dirty little secret in Bahrain and that more media delving could expose that. But the British establishment has not limited the damage entirely. Still planning to attend the royal wedding is one of the princes from the House of Saud. Which will bring up more questions about Britain’s connections to the repression in Saudi Arabia against its own pro-democracy movement as well as the latter’s ongoing involvement in Bahrain. Furthermore, the guest list points to cynical double standards in Britain’s foreign policy. As media analys t Paul Kane points out: “It is so telling, on so many different levels, for example, the contrast between Bahraini rulers, who get invited to the British royal wedding – something that is taken to epitomize and define the gentility and nobility and cultural achievement of the western elites – and Libyan rulers, who get munitions, presumably loaded with depleted uranium, on their heads.” Finian Cunningham is a journalist and musician. He is Global Research's Middle East Correspondent. NOTES [1] http://www.cpj.org/killed/ [2] http://www.globalresearch.ca/ | |
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Centre for Research on Globalization. To become a Member of Global Research The CRG grants permission to cross-post original Global Research articles on community internet sites as long as the text & title are not modified. The source and the author's copyright must be displayed. For publication of Global Researc articles in print or other forms including commercia internet sites, contact: crgeditor@yahoo.com www.globalresearch.ca contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available to our readers under the provisions of "fair use" in an effort to advance a better understanding of political, economic and social issues. The material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving it for research and educationa l purposes. If you wish to use copyrighted materia l for purposes other than "fair use" you must request permission from the copyright owner. For media inquiries: crgeditor@yahoo.com © Copyright Finian Cunningham, GlobalResearch.ca, 2011 | |
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The gradual awakening of the Moroccan people By Miguel Urbano Rodrigues | |
Global Research, April 24, 2011 | |
Translated from Portuguese by John Catalinotto The wave of confrontation churning though the Arab world came late to Morocco. It was only on February 20 that the first demonstrations against the regime took place. Announced in advance, they attracted some 8,000 people in Casablanca and Rabat. Police dispersed them with brutal force. The organizers -- intellectuals, trade unionists and young people -- explained in their call that the initiative was peaceful and not aimed at the overthrow of the regime. "Less power to the monarchy" and "The King shall reign and not rule" were the timid slogans heard most often. Two weeks later, on March 9, King Mohamed VI gave a speech that the media greeted with enthusiasm. Some newspapers characterized the monarch's speech as "revolutionary," establishing a basis for a “new monarchy.” Analysts considered liberals said they saw in his speech a real program that laid out "the path to democracy." What did the young monarch say or promise to justify such euphoria? Very little, almost nothing. He changed some ministers, created a Consultative Commission on Regionalization and instructed it to prepare a revision of the Constitution. He praised his government’s work, but clarified that, given the popular aspirations, he proposed directing the system toward a parliamentary democracy, delegating powers over time to a prime minister. At a press conference, the chairman of the Commission said it will propose three amendments to the Constitution: repealing the governors’ control of regional councils, allocating legislative powers to the regional presidents and taking measures for the benefit of women. Praises continued for the king in newspapers, on TV and radio. But after a few days the media gave voice to the legal opposition and there were those who defined the regime as an anachronistic dictatorship. A university in Casablanca held a roundtable discussion on the theme, "The ferment in Maghreb: logical and geopolitical perspectives." The participants took different positions with regard to a question: Will Morocco be an exception in the Arab world? In their answers, most scholars chose ambiguity. El Hossain, professor of International Relations, rejected the claim of exceptionalism [for Morocco], and affirmed that he fears the effects of the economic crisis and rising unemployment, and said he prefers the term "revolution" to "ferment" to characterize the events. Brahim Fihri, President of the Amadeus Institute, pompously declared that Morocco is experiencing “a revolution of the king and of the people,” aimed toward “a new social contract” without ideological color. To him the danger comes exclusively from the Al Adl Wal Ibsade Islamist movement, which was preparing to "ambush" the king, because [to them] "Arab nationalism is evil." There was no intervention of a progressive character during this roundtable. The language and style of political discourse in Morocco from the personalities there who talk of “revolution” remind Portuguese observers of that of the leaders of Socialist Party and the Social Democratic Party in Portugal when reflecting on the Portuguese crisis. For them the solution to national problems will be a balanced redistribution of national wealth and the creation of “anti-poverty funds.”... They obviously do not explain what to do to redistribute wealth in a society with a semi-feudal class structure, marked by outrageous inequities of the human condition. On March 13 the police in Casablanca dispersed a demonstration of hundreds of people. There were many injured people. The French-language daily "Les Echos" devoted 16 lines to the subject, along with a photograph, and noted that most participants were Islamists of Al Adl Wal Ibsade. Shopkeepers from the area, with whom I spoke, played down the protest. But for March 20, the group calling itself the February 20 Movement for Change called for new demonstrations. According to news agencies, tens of thousands of people took to the streets in 20 cities. The police did not intervene this time and the number of incidents was minimal. The slogans were again weak. Most asked the king to fire the ministers involved in shady business deals. Some protesters wore yellow cards (not red) as a warning to the monarch. The February 20 Movement was becoming more radical, but slowly. Criticism of despotism Of the many criticisms of the system I read in the newspapers during my stay in Marrakech, the sharpest was by Fouad Abdelmouni, a human rights activist who, in the 1980s spent years in prison for advocating the proclamation of the republic. Without mincing words he said in an interview that Morocco has been subjected to an absolute monarchy, carried out continuously in the form of a theocratic Caliphate. In a head-on critique of politicians who advocate a transition in which the king, as the first of all believers, keeps a firm control of the state as an arbitrator, Abdelmouni demonstrated skepticism. He recalled that Mohamed VI, when he succeeded his father, announced in his inauguration speech that he would create a modern and democratic state. But he did not fulfill the promise and ruled as a despot. Abdelmouni demands not an alteration of the articles of the Constitution now in force, but the convocation of a Constituent Assembly. It could be concluded that he is a revolutionary intellectual suggesting radical solutions. But his project consists of innocuous reformism. In his opinion, "A parliamentary monarchy is the only valid project today." Abdelmouni identified with the moderate position of the February 20 Movement and all those who contest monarchical absolutism, "from the Islamists to the Communists." To understand what that means, one needs to know that the old Moroccan Communist Party changed its name and program twice. When it was legalized, it renounced Marxism. It is a caricature of the revolutionary party of Ben Barka, who was assassinated [in 1965 in Paris] at the behest of King Hassan II with the complicity of the French government. I met this party’s leaders in Kabul at an International Conference. They supported the annexation of Western Sahara [by Morocco] and praised [Portuguese anti-communist] Mario Soares ... Abdellatif Laâbi and a moment of truth Moroccan intellectuals who support the February 20 Movement say they would like a profound change. But with few exceptions, their words are misleading. They actually want changes that impose little more than a democratic facade on the regime while maintaining almost intact the economic basis of a society that has grown up in the framework of a dependent and anachronistic capitalism. This attitude appears clearly in the position taken by Abdellatif Laâbi, one of the most talented writers in the country. This Francophone novelist, winner of the Goncourt Prize, welcomes the people's aspiration for freedom, dignity and social justice, condemns the privileged minority that has accumulated immense wealth, lashes out at their arrogance and expresses solidarity with the young and the mass of the excluded and exploited who are trapped in misery. Laâbi rejects the thesis of “Moroccan exceptionalism ” advocated by the king and his epigones because - he stresses - democracy requires popular sovereignty. But at the same time he praises the clarity of the monarch and his reformist spirit, concluding that "the moment of truth has arrived in Morocco and that the only positive option will be "the installation of democracy on irreversible bases." What bases? He explains: "The key to change remains, let's be clear, in the hands of the monarchy." For the king "is the judge, the guarantor of national unity, national security of the country and its citizens, of individual and collective freedoms, and of cultural and political pluralism." Only then, he believes, by decreeing a general amnesty and abolishing the death penalty, Morocco may follow "the example of other Arab peoples who took their destiny into their hands and entered into history through the big door." He refrained from making the slightest criticism of the policy of maintaining a close alliance with the U.S., a policy that takes the form of vassalage. Abdellatif Laâbi’s concept of democracy is not very different from that outlined by Mário Soares, a deeply conservative politician masquerading as a socialist. The almost reverential respect for the monarchy is not identifiable only in intellectuals. It is a sentiment shared by most of the population, especially in rural areas. While in Jordan, Kuwait, Bahrain, UAE, Saudi Arabia the protests against autocratic regimes directly affects the discredited descendants of tribal chiefs that Britain put n power in artificial states, turning them into kings and emirs, that is not happening in Morocco. The opposition limits itself to asking Mohamed VI to reform a tyrannical and theocratic regime, “to reign without governing,” the more daring voices suggest. Will the king show himself as someone with the stature of a great statesman? No. He’s a young man of average intelligence, who took power by inheritance. His father, Hassan II, was a despot who ruled as the medieval sultans did. The Alaouite, unlike previous dynasties, who were Berbers, swell with pride regarding their Arab origins. Mohamed VI, like his father and grandfather, is said to descend from the Prophet Muhammad and, just as the French Louis XIV and the Prussian Frederick II did, he too claims to exercise power by divine right. The Moroccan monarchy it is an aberration in the 21st century. It survives only because of the alienation of the masses in a country where semi-feudal social structures persist. The thesis of the “Moroccan exception,” under which Morocco will not be hit by the great wave of popular opposition that has swept the Arab world, however, is a slogan that distorts reality, invented by the ruling class. The demonstrations of February 20, repeated in March, though timid, marked the beginning of a process for challenging the despotic power; they will certainly continue. Their course and the forms the struggle will take are not yet predictable, particularly considering the absence of a revolutionary party with roots in the masses. But the awakening of the people of Morocco is a historical inevitability. | |
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Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflec t those of the Centre for Research on Globalization. The contents of this article are of sole responsibility of the author(s). The Centre for Research on Globalization will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article. To become a Member of Global Research The CRG grants permission to cross-post original Globa Research articles on community internet sites as long as the text & title are not modified. The source and the author's copyright must be displayed. For publication of Global Research articles in print or other forms including commercia internet sites, contact: crgeditor@yahoo.com www.globalresearch.ca contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available to our readers under the provisions of "fair use" in an effort to advance a better understanding of political, economic and social issues. The material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving it for research and educational purposes. If you wish to use copyrighted material for purposes other than "fair use" you must request permission from the copyright owner. For media inquiries: crgeditor@yahoo.com © Copyright Miguel Urbano Rodrigues, Global Research , 2011 The url address of this article is: www.globalresearch .ca/index. | |
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